Monthly Archives: February 2017

Tolstoy seems to be very anti-Russian in Hadji Murat. He paints the Nikolai I as an idiot who does not take religion seriously (67), which probably would have been a big deal for an early Christian Anarchist. On the other … Continue reading →

In the introduction to A Life under Russian Serfdom, Boris Gorshkov writes that Purlevskii’s understanding of freedom is not only “as the ability to pursue one or another occupation but as liberation from serfdom”(2005,19). Gorshkov is arguing that Purlevskii’s story … Continue reading →

The Madariaga reading seems to suggest that Empress Catherine II believed that education and free inquiry would lead people to support her absolute monarchy. She attacked vices such as “ignorance” (92), she had the power to censor books but did … Continue reading →

In 1783, Catherine allowed individuals to operate private printing presses, on the condition that the individuals register their press with and submit their work to the censor. According to Madariaga (1990, 98), this innovation represented Catherine’s desire “to encourage social … Continue reading →

I could not help but notice a serious divide among the men’s and women’s etiquette laid out in The Honorable Mirror for Youth. Men were encouraged to abstain from hooliganism, nose-picking, fish soup splattering etc. and partake in a “vigorous” … Continue reading →

In his secret speech Khrushchev speaks about the dangers of the cult of the individual in regards to Stalin, a deeply flawed leader who was built up as “a superman possessing supernatural characteristics, akin to those of a god” (Khrushchev). … Continue reading →

Hi, all. I wanted to follow up our discussion in class today by talking a bit more about the “Secret Speech”, specifically, the distinctions Khrushchev draws between Lenin and Stalin’s respective modes of operation. As we discussed in class, Khrushchev … Continue reading →

I am wondering about Jone’s conclusions about the difference between Soviet people’s reaction to de-Stalinization in 1956 and 1961. She tells us that the evidence in 1961 suggests far less resistance than in 1956. Her first hypothesis is that the … Continue reading →

Leading up to the October Revolution, the moderates lost control to the Bolsheviks in the Provisional Government partly due to Kornilov’s failed coup (which enhanced the Bolshevik’s credibility to the working class despite their lack of involvement in resisting said … Continue reading →

I cannot help but notice a contradiction in Lenin’s outlining of his ideal revolutionary party–namely that Lenin simultaneously depends upon and shuns nationalism. On pages 293-95, for example, Lenin outlines the need for an “All-Russian” newspaper which will serve as … Continue reading →